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S P E E CUES 




DELIVERED 



AT A DINNER CxIVEN TO THE 



HON. DANIEL WEBSTER 



BY THK 



HErORM CONVENTION OF MAIIYLAND, 



AT ANNAPOLIS, TUESDAY, MARCH '25, 1851. 




J WASHINGTON: 

GIDEOM & CO., I'RINTEIIS. 
1.>S51. 




SPEECHES 



DELIVERED 



AT A DINNER GIVEN TO THE 



HON. DANIEL WEBSTER 

7 .. 



BY THK 



REFORM CONVENTION OF MARYLAND, 

1 AT ANNAPOLIS, TUESDAY, MARCH 25, 1851. 



5 WASHINGTON: 

GIDEON & CO., PBIKTER3. 
1851. 



V 



L340 
.V/4 f^^1 



SPEECHES. 



Gov, SPRIGG olTered the following toast, which was received with 
prolonged applause: 

"Daniel Webster— Maryland shows her attachment to the Union by honoring its 
ablest defender." 

After the applause had subsided, Mr. WEBSTER rose and addressed 
the gentlemen of the convention, as follows: 

Mr, President and Gentleme:^: I beg leave to assure you that \ 
esteem most highly this testimony of respect, I find myself in the politi- 
cal capital of the loyal, Union State of Maryland; I find myself at a table 
at which many of the most distinguished men of that State, of all parties 
and descriptions of politics, are assembled. And it is on that account that 
I lesard this as a particular and striking mark of respect and honor to my- 
self. But, gentlemen, I am nothing; it is the cause that is every thing. 
You are pleased to honor me only because I support, so far as my ability 
will allow, that cause which is dear to us all, and dear to ail good men in 
the country. . It is the cause of the Union, It is the cause of the preser- 
vation of the States. It is the cause upon which depends the maintenance 
of all those political associations and principles which have made the Uni- 
ted States what they now are. 

It is not for me to argue the value of the Union in this company, I 
came here rather to be refreshed and edified by what I have heard of the 
proceedings of this Convention already, upon that subject. Its resolutions 
of the 10th of December are to me an expression so powerful, so authen- 
tic, and so conclusive of the judgment of Maryland, that I read them at 
first, and have read them since, and read them now, with undiminished 
delight. Why, gentlemen, I should no more think of arguing the question 
of the importance of the Union in this assembly, than I should think of 
going back to argue the propriety of the Declaration of Independence, or to 
argue the expediency and the glory of having adopted the Constitution 
under which we live, or of arguing the general utility and honor and re- 
nown of Washington's administration. Who doubts all these things here? 
I am sure not one. I come, then, gentlemen, as a learner, not as a teach- 
er; I come to partake of the sentiments that fill all your hearts; I come 
to be edified and instructed by those noble and patriotic expositions which 
have been made in this Convention, formed, as I have said, of distin- 



guished men of all parties, coming together with earnest convictions, and 
affirming their opinions in favor of the Union, and whatsoever tends to 
strengthen that Union, b}^ a unanimity which cannot fail to be regarded. 
Allow me to say, gentlemen, that your resolutions of the 10th of Decem- 
ber will reach to the extreme North, the extreme South, and the extreme 
West, and every body will say that, amidst all the vagaries which may 
prevail elsewhere, the respectable, and eminent, and distinguished State, 
the central State of ]Mar3dand, is union to the backbone, and thoroughly. 
[Applause.] 

There are associations, there are recollections, which naturally influence 
the minds of men. I have passed around, to-day, among scenes which 
were visited in old times by Washington. I have been in the room where 
he performed that crowning act of his military life, the resignation of 
his commission. I remember that he said on that occasion, "having 
finished the work assigned me, I now claim the indulgence of retiring 
from the service of my country." Gentlemen, Washington, with all his 
sagacity, did not comprehend his own destiny. He did not see the long 
track of influences which were to follow his revolutionary character. Nay, 
nor when, many years afterwards, he retired from the civil administration 
of the country, did he then cease to exercise an influence on the public 
concerns and sentiments of his country. And he never will cease. He 
said, ''having finished the W'ork assigned me, I retire from public service." 
He has never yet performed the work assigned him, and he never wall, 
until the end of time; because, gentlemen, that great and glorious work 
still subsists, and is going on; he is still upholding, by his precepts, his 
exhortations, and his example, the importance and the value of this Union 
of the States. [Applause.] In that respect he works now, and will work 
ever, so long as his memory shall not be effaced from the records of man- 
kind. I think I hear him say to-day, in the language which he expressed 
when he sent the present Constitution of the United States to Congress, "in 
all our deliberations we have kept steadily in view that which appeared to 
us the greatest interest of every true American, the consolidation of our 
Union, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our 
national existence." I hear him say that to-day, and I hear him .say fur- 
ther to-day, in the words of his Farewell Address, "indignantly frown 
upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our 
country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link to- 
gether the various parts." Every exhortation, every admonition, every 
sentiment that proceeded from him, rings in these times constantly in my 
ears. Nay, I think I hear him say now, in the abodes of the blessed, 
that, if it were permitted to him, to revisit the earth, and be re-clothed 



■with the bones and the flesh which are mouUrering at Mount Vernon, 
he would appear to his countrymen as when he stood at the head of 
their armies, or as he appeared to the country in the course of his most 
glorious administration of this Government, and conjure and adjure them, 
by every consideration tliat ought to have weight with men, '* Hold on 
fast by that Constitution which is the only security for the liberty which 
cost me and my associates seven years of war, of fire, and of blood." 
[Applause.] 

Gentlemen, forgive me; when I think in these times that there are so 
many that are apparently disposed to undervalue the maxims, and tlie 
character, and the exhortations of Washington, I confess I find myself 
borne away, often beyond the power of self-restraint; I fear sometimes be- 
yond the limits of propriety. Our country consists in its elements of 
liberty; in its institutions of constitutional law; and, blessed be (Jod, our 
country, America, consists next in the great example of those who have 
o-one before us, and have left that example for our imitation and encour- 
agement. We are not Americans if we resist the examples of our pre- 
decessors, any more than if we trample upon the Constitution, the work 
of their hands. If we have real American hearts in our bosoms, every 
thing they said, and every thing they did, to honor and ennoble their 
country, impresses us with sentiments of profound respect and regard. 

Gentlemen, will you allow me to interrupt the course of my remarks 
by proposing to you, out of the fulness of my heart, "The glorioii.i and 
immortal memory of George Washington!''^ [This toast was drank stand- 
ing.] 

Mr. Webster resumed. Mr. President and gentlemen: In the lapse 
of years, and in the rising of one generation after another, it may very 
possibly happen, and we are sure that it does happen, and has happened, 
that the exact principles of the Union of these States are not always proper- 
ly understood. It may not be amiss, therefore — though I do not propose 
to entertain this company by discourse upon common-places — it may not 
be amiss, to recur, now, to what I conceive to be the original principle 
upon which these colonies were united, the objects for which they were 
united, and the limitations upon these objects. These thirteen colonies, 
all of English origin, were settled on this continent at different times, and 
under different circumstances. They had differences of religious opinions; 
they established differences of local law and administration; they were, 
some of them, quite remote from one another, but the}'- were all subject 
to the crown of England. And when, in the course of events, they all 
thought, and thought truly, they had just cause of complaint against the 
tyranny of England, their object was to unite in a common cause against 



a common enemy. How unite? For what purposes unite? For what 
ends unite ? Why, it never entered into their conceptions that they were to 
consolidate themselves into one integral government; that they were to 
cease to be Virginia, Mar^-land, Massachusetts, and Carolina. Not at all. 
But they were to unite for those great purposes which should enable them 
to make a stand against the injustice of the English Government. They 
were to unite for common defence, and the general welfare. They were 
to come to an agreement upon things necessary for that purpose, and 
nothi.ng else. The objects of common defence, and the general welfare, 
and afterwards the objects connected with commerce and revenue, whicb 
were important to all, were all they adopted as principles and objects of 
union and association. Nothing beyond that. 

As I have said, they had differences of religious opinions. Maryland^ 
your Maryland, was settled as a Catholic country, always tolerant, 
always liberal, persecuting nobody. Virginia v/as rather inclined to the 
religious notions of the Episcopal Church of England. The people of the 
North were not only Protestants but Dissenters. They were of the school of 
Cromwell and Sir Henry Vane. But what of that ? When all these col- 
onies came together for the general purpose of defence against a common 
enemy, what did they do ? Did they seek to merge, and confound, and 
consolidate all these States into one great community ? No such thing. 
They meant to unite upon those objects which were necessary for the 
common defence ; and they meant to leave every thing else in the control 
of the States, to do just as they thought proper. That was a day of liber- 
ality and of justice. It was a day in w^hich religious opinions produced 
no effect upon the general sentiments of the country in ' regard to the as- 
sociation of all the States for common objects. Why, sir, did any body at 
the North, did any Protestant descending from ancestors inheriting the 
principles of Cromwell, or of Harry Vane, whoever he was, feel any less 
confidence in the integrity and entire patriotism of Charles Carroll, be- 
cause he was a Catholic ? Not at all. Nor did Maryland hesitate to ac- 
cord the meed of patriotism, whenever it was due, to the Adamses, to 
Alexander Hamilton, to Rufus King, or whoever else belonged to the 
North, because they were of different sentiments in religion. Their as- 
sociation was political. It was founded upon general policy and union; 
a sort of confederacy, at that time, to resist the common enemy, and to 
do whatever was necessary for the common good. Gentlemen, I hope, 
for one, never to see this original idea departed from. 

Now, we corne to other propositions. There were differences of laws. 
The Southern States, without their own fault, by a course of events for 
■which they were not responsible, had slavery established amongst them 



Did not all the States know that ? Did not they deal with them upon that 
basis ? Did not they recognise that state of things ? Entirely ; entirely. 
That was a matter of local legislation, of State right and State adminis- 
tration, with which the North at that time had not the slightest inclination to 
interfere in any respect whatever; and they ought not to have had, because 
it was one of those things that did not enter into the general scope of that 
political association which the colonies meant to establish. 

Gentlemen, I concur in the sentiments, expressed by you all ; and, 
Ihank God, they were expressed by you all in the resolutions passed here 
on the 10th of December. You say that " the Constitution of the United 
States has accomplished all the objects, civil and political, Avhich the most 
sanguine of its framers and friends anticipated, and that the affections of 
the people of Maryland are justly riveted to its principles by the memory 
of the characters of the wise and good men who formed it, as well as by 
the blessings they liberally bestow throughout the world." That is my 
sentiment. My heart is in it. [Applause.] Altogether, I Hve and 
breathe, I walk and sleep — I had almost said, I pray to God daily, in the 
very sentiment of that resolution. Then you go on to assert a sentiment 
equally just. You say that a proper appreciation of those blessings would 
lead every State in the Union to adopt all such measures as may from 
time to time be necessary to give complete and full effect to any provision 
in the Constitution, or the laws pursuant thereto, intended for the protec- 
tion of any part of this great common country. True ; every word true. 
And allow me to say, that any State, North or South, which departs an 
iota from the sentiment of that resolution, is disloyal to this Union. [Great 
applause.] 

Further, so far as any act of that sort has been committed, such a State- 
has no portion of my regard. I do not sympathize with it. I rebuke it 
wherever I speak, and on all occasions where it is proper for me to ex- 
press my sentiments. If there are States, and I am afraid there are, 
which have sought, by ingenious contrivances of State legislation, by 
roundabout and crooked courses of policy, to thwart the just operation 
and fulfilment of the laws of Congress passed to carry into effect the com- 
pacts of the Constitution, that State, so far, is entitled to no regard from 
me. 

At the North, there have been certainly some intimations in certain 
States of such a policy. . 

At the South, another danger seems to have arisen; and it is a subject 
of very serious lamentation to me. It would seem that there is a disposi- 
tion in some quarters to secede from the Union of these States. "Secede!" 
a word of ominous import. Secede from what? Secede from this Govern- 



ment, which has carried the country to such a pitch of glory in sixty or 
seventy years? To secede from all the honor and renown which it has 
accomplished? And to secede where? Whenever there is a terminus a 
quo there is a terminus ad quern. Where are they going? [Applause.] 
Whoever entertains such sentiments I regard with a spirit of commisera- 
tion. I think it is a malady of the mind. I think that their feelings have 
become entirely diseased. I think that they know not what they do. 
And yet, gentlemen, 1 do not think it the part of prudence to criminate, 
or to taunt, or to provoke. Leave them to their own consideration. Let 
them dwell on secession many days and inwardly digest it. [Laughter.] 
And, so far as I have any voice in the councils of the country, this medi- 
tation of theirs shall never be disturbed; not a breath shall ruffle their sen- 
sibility, until it comes to a point where something is done, which comes to 
an actual conflict with the Constitution and the laws. [Applause.] 

It is painful when we reflect that a State so highly distinguished, so full 
of high spirits and cavaliers, a State which took such an active part in the 
Revolution, and which took such an active part also in the early adminis- 
tration of the Government, which has produced so many men who have 
honored the country, and honored themselves in the public service; it is 
painful, I say, and humiUating, to consider that their successors, the pres- 
ent generation, seem willing to forget all the glories of their country, 
and to take one stripe and one star and walk out of the Union with them. 

[Laughter.] 

A returning sense of patriotism and propriety will check them. I do 
not know what might happen if there had been a more generalspirit of dis- 
union. But I cannot persuade myself that honest and honorable men, in- 
genuous men, young men who wish to live for glory, and renown, and 
character, will ever leave that Union which their fathers established, that 
•Constitution which has made their State, like all the other States, what it 
is, when they come to sober moments of reflection. 

I hope that while we maintain, as the State of Maryland has main- 
tained, fixed and determined sentiments in favor of the Constitution, we 
shall hold no parley, and I hold no parley, with any body who would 
infract it in the slightest degree. While we maintain the necessity of 
establishing and sustaining those laws of adjustment which were passed 
by the last Congress, to settle the country; while we hold on to them 
with firmness and decision, I hope, nevertheless, we shall take a course 
not to provoke, or taunt, or insult those who feel a difterence of senti- 
ments. I hold the importance of maintaining those measures to be of 
the highest character and nature, every one of them, out and out, and 
throuc^h and through. [Applause.] I have no confidence in any body 



who seeks the support ol those who wish to alter or modify these consti- 
tutional provisions. There they are. Many of these great measures are 
irrepealable. The settlement with Texas is as irrepealable as the admis- 
sion of California. Other important objects of legislation, if not in them- 
selves in the natare of grants, and therefore not so irrepealable, are just as 
important; and we are to hear no parleying upon it. We are to listen to 
no modifications or qualification endangering their security. They are 
passed in conformity with the requisitions of the Constitution; and they 
must be performed and abided by, in whatever event, and at whatever 
cost. [Applause.] 

His Excellency the Governor of Maryland was pleased to allude to me' 
as one who had run some risks among his own people for the good of the 
country. What should I have been good for, if I had not been willing 
to do it? [Applause.] I do not consider myself born to any great des- 
tiny, but born to one destiny, and that is, to uphold, with mind and heart 
and hand, the Constitution of this country. [Great applause.] If this 
prophecy fail, my attachment to the Constitution of the land wull nev- 
er fail, so long as I have breath. [Renewed applause.] 

Now, gentlemen, allow me to say, that, in looking over the annals 
of your beautiful city of Annapolis, I find, what I should have expected 
to find, that when the definitive treaty of peace was proclaimed here 
in February, 1783, it was ordained to be a day of general thanks- 
giving. It was celebrated, and, according to the good fashions of Mary- 
land, there was a dinner, and a ball. Among the toasts on that occasion, 
the first havins: taken notice of the great blessing of the restoration of 
peace, I find that the second was, " The United States — may their con- 
federacy endure forever." [Applause.] That confederacy has been 
changed into a more beneficial form of government. It has become a 
Constitution better calculated to secure the rights of us all. But I echo 
the sentiment of Annapolis, and I say, in different words, though in the 
same sense, "TAc Constitution of the United States — may it endure for- 
ever.^' [Great applause.] 

The President offered i/ie second regular toast: 

"The Governor or Maryland." 

Governor LOWE said: 

INIr. President and Gentlemen: In responding to the compliment 
paid me, as the Executive of Maryland, in the sentiment which you 
have so kindly offered, and which has been so flatteringly received by 
this assemblage of distinguished friends, I should, under ordinary circum- 
stances, confine my remarks to a simple expression of thanks and recip- 



10 

rocal esteem. But, sir, we meet here to-day upon no common occasion, 
and for no slight purpose. It is not that we may gather around the fes- 
tive board for the pleasing interchange of wit, or the less spiritual indul- 
gences of conviviality, that we are here to-day. Neither is it solely 
because we would honor the genius and the public services of your dis- 
tinguished guest, that this company has assembled here, ably representing, 
as it does, the hospitalit}^, the statesmanship, and the patriotism of Mary- 
land. We are here to honor genius, and to bear testimony to eminent 
patriotism, surely; but w^e are here, in an especial manner, to approve 
and vindicate the laws of our native land, by honoring a man who has 
stood, and stands, as a champion, in the foremost ranks, battling against 
the enemies of the Constitution and the Union. We are here, too, to 
say to the people of this confederacy, and to the friends of human 
freedom every where, that Maryland, in heart and soul, in ancient memo- 
ries, in present affections, and in future hopes, by every tie and by every 
sympathy, is, and ever will, with God's blessing, continue to be, a Union 
State! And I here say, in the presence of the North, [for the Jforth is 
present!) that Maryland can never be driven from the Union, so long as 
her continuance therein is compatible with the happiness and the honor of 
her people. 

Maryland's southern heart is loyal to the Constitution and the laws of our 
common country; let only her southern rights be appreciated and respected. 
I have heard much, sir, of a '■^higher law,^'' a law above the laws of the land; 
a law of individual conscience, which assumes to instigate and canonize 
treason ! Sir, when this Constitution, under the shadow of which the 
South has ever claimed sanctuary when her rights have been threatened, 
was first framed by the sacred hands of our fathers, there was, indeed, a 
^'^ higher law,^^ which dwelt in the hearts of men, and the reflection of 
which, only, has been imparted to their works. Upon no written parch- 
m.ents, however excellent, could human language have transcribed the full 
soul of that law, as it breathed in the heart of Washington and the men 
of his generation. 

It was the law of justice, of fraternity, of boundless self-abnegation, 
which led to the establishment of an unprecedented confederacy of States, 
upon a broad and liberal compromise of interests and opinions. Thank 
God, that " higher law'''' yet lives in our day ! 

Amidst the storm of passions, and encompassed by treason, it yetstrug- 
crles on, with unquenchable fiame, lighting the path of good men. 

Sir, have we no evidence that we are not a degenerate race, unworthy 
of our sires ? What was it but this ^'higher law'' which interrupted the 
routine of parties, and swept away for the time old political land-marks, 



11 

as the ocean wave effaces the tracks upon the beach — what was it, but 
this, I say, that made Webster and Cass shake hands, after a party antag- 
onism of forty years ! All honor to such men; such heroes, sir ! For, 
are they not the genuine heroes ? Tell me not, sir, of the hero of the 
battle-field. I would not depreciate his merit ; yet, tell me what it is ? 
Is it, that he has faced a thousand cannon, and looked composedly upon a 
sea of nodding plumes ? From the beginning of the world, millions of 
men have done this, and millions may again do it before time drops the 
curtain of this world's drama. What of all that ? It is courage, it is 
heroism, if you please; yet, sir, it is of the earth, earthy. Oh ! there is 
a heroism of deeper signification and power; and which lies at the foun- 
dation of the most exalted human nature, and without possessing which, 
in more or less degree, no man can be truly great, in himself, or in his- 
acts. 

It is, sir, the heroism of a virtuous and unconquerable will, which, 
the warring elements of nature cannot shake, nor human power move, 

Justum et tenacem propositi virum, 
Non civium ardor prava jubentium, 
Non vuhus instaniis tyranni, 
Mente quatit solida ! 

Can you fail to make the application ? Have we not in our midst, this 
day, a bright illustration of the poet's noble estimate of moral heroism ? 

Within those lines are contained two tests, which have filled history 
with examples of greatness, but in far different proportions. 

Non vultus instantis tyranni I 

What, sir, is the frown of one tyrant ? Thousands have strung their 
courage to resistance against kings ! Thousands have looked a monarch 
in the eye, even from the scaffold ! There was often a conscious pride, 
which sustained, when his ordinary nature would have failed, the victim 
of imperial wrath. 

Non civium ardor prava jubentium ! 
That, sir, is the test, that the fiery ordeal, which searches the vitals of 
greatness, and tries its value ! And comparatively few, indeed, when 
fully tried, have equalled the crisis. As public opinion, when sound and 
tolerant, is the conservative power of a free nation, so, when depraved 
and vindictive, it is the most formidable of tyrants. Who can fathom the 
depth of that courage, which makes an honest man stand up in his own 
community to rebuke injustice to its face ? What self-complacency can 
we, Marylanders, gather from our open demonstrations of patriotic adhe- 
sion to the laws of the land, when here, in our honored State, no man 
dare whisper treason or disunion ? Where the test of courage, when a 



12 

Maryland statesman proclaims the inviolability of the Compromise acts to 
a people who unitedly approve and support them? In patriotic Maryland, 
the only avenue to the popular heart is through loyalty to the Constitution 
and the laws ! But, sir, in other sections of this Union it is, unfortu- 
^nately, otherwise. Powerful factions exist, aye, and wield a fearful influ- 
ence, whose avowed purpose it is to set at defiance the rights of the South 
in violation of solemn constitutional guaranties and legislative enactments, 
even should the vast fabric of this confederate Government crash around 
their unholy heads. 

When I find a man, born in their midst, nurtured into a worldwide 
•fame by their encouragement, bound to them by all earthly ties, standing 
up in the dignity of his mission as a leader of American destinies, and 
•openly without fear, calmly without passion, and sternly without com- 
promise, rebuking the folly or the crime of his own people, I cannot but 
«xclaim v.'ith the great Roman bard — 

Non civium ardor prava jubentium, 



Mente quatit solida ! 

Yes, sir, the intellect of our distinguished guest, and his unconquerable 
resolve, are "^oZzW," like the granite hills of old New Hampshire, which 
gave him to his country and mankind ! 

Allow me, sir, to offer the following sentiment — 

The ^^ higher law''^ of patriots, which lifts them above the law of party, 
when the Constitution and the Union are in danger. 

The following toast was then offered : 

"The Senate of the United States: The rights of the State and the integrity of the 
Union have a sure protection in its wisdom and firmness." 

Ex-Governor PRATT, at present a Senator of the United States, respond- 
■td to this sentiment as follows : 

The services of Mr. Webster, to which you have referred, and which 
have been the immediate cause of your invitation lo him, were services 
rendered to the whole country, and he is your guest at the capital of Mary- 
land by the invitation (without distinction of party) of the Representatives 
of the People of Maryland, because his patriotism has not been limited by 
the State which he has represented, or by the section of country from 
which he comes. He is, Mr. President, properly here the guest of a 
Southern State, because the United States is his country — because the 
United States is the country to which he has declared his allegiance, and 
devoted all the energies of his vast intellect. 1 am pleased, too, Mr. 
President, that the invitation which gives us the pleasure of this meeting, 



13 

should have emanated as it has, irrespective of party; for, sir, if we may 
now congratulate ourselves upon the safety of our country, we should ever 
remember that the threatened danger has been arrested by no party, or 
party men, but by the united efforts of those of the Democratic and Whig 
parties of the country who have been most trusted and honored by each. 

If, sir, a citizen of Annapolis may be permitted to say so, I think the 
place has been appropriately selected for this meeting. Annapolis, now 
the capital of the State of Maryland, was, prior to the Revolution, not only 
the capital of the then province of Maryland, but socially, and in point of 
political influence, was, as your distinguished guest has intimated, the 
capital of all the British North American provinces. Mr. Webster has 
referred to some of the historical reminiscences attached to the place, and 
I beg leave, sir, to refer to others which I have heard here spoken of, and 
which I had hoped he would have also referred to. Here, sir, at Anna- 
polis, was held the first Council, composed of delegates from several of the 
then British provinces, to deliberate and decide upon the necessity of re- 
sistance to the encroachments of the Crown. Here, also, if I am correctly 
informed, (and no one can more readily put me right than the distinguished 
gentleman before me,) was committed the first overt act of what was then 
called treason, by the open and forcible resistance of a statute of Parliament;, 
and here, Mr. President, in the Senate chamber this day visited by your 
guest, occurred one of the most memorable and extraordinary events re- 
corded in the history of the world, the surrender by Gen. Washington, to 
the civil authorities, of that sword with which he had achieved the inde- 
pendence of his country. 

I have learned, Mr. President, in the past twelve months, a lesson 
which this meeting is well calculated to enforce. I have learned, sir, to 
rid myself of much, I hope of all, that political party asperity which I fear 
I have heretofore almost cherished as a duty. How, sir, could it be oth- 
erwise ? I have followed the lead of men of the Democratic party, and 
stood side by side with them in support of the measures to which you, sir, 
have referred, and to which, in my judgment, you have correctly attribu- 
ted the present existence of the Union. And here, Mr. President, I am 
surrounded by many, whose moral and social worth have been always ap- 
preciated by me, but with whom I have never acted politically, assembled 
together to do honor and to express respect for Daniel Webster. And, 
Mr. President, we may all well unite in paying this homage to such a man ;. 
for, sir, if there is a statesman in the United States who may be considered 
above party, and for whom all may express respect and admiration, that 
man is Daniel Webster. Sir, in all questions in which his country is in- 
volved, he knows no party. As he himself has said, he was born an 
American, he has lived an American, and he will die an American. 



14 

Permit me, JMr, President and gentlemen, to offer a sentiment, which I 
know will meet the approbation of your guest, and which I hope will also 
be favored by your approval. Gentlemen, the time has now come, when 
•the true conservative men of all parties should unite for the sake of the 
Union. I propose, sir — '^ The Union : We will stand by all who stand 
by -t7." 

Mr. SPENCER beinsr called on for a sentiment, rose and said: 
Mr. President: We have assembled to do honor to a distinguished guest 
from the East, for the service he has rendered his country in the recent 
struggle through which it has passed, I am certain, sir, it will aiford him 
pleasure to see upon the record of this day's proceedings, the name of 
another statesman, who has immortalized himself in the same contest to 
preserve the Union, one who comes from another quarter, the South. In 
view of what he has done, of the part he has borne, in saving this happy 
country from the awful consequences of disunion, I am unwilling that this 
meeting should dissolve without giving him a place in our proceedings, 
and transmitting his name to posterity in the record we are now preparing. 
All who have been in any way connected with that great event are enti- 
tled to the outpourings of our hearts, and should ever be remembered with 
smiles of admiration. Instead of being engaged in an unholy crusade 
against the Constitution, all their energies have been directed to the pre- 
servation of a government reared by our revolutionary sires, cemented by 
their blood, and under which we have all lived with unbounded prosperity 
and unequalled happiness. Our ancestors struggled to relieve themselves 
from the shackles of tyranny. They entered into a contest for the rights 
of the people, and to redeem, them from oppression. They fought for lib- 
erty. It was then, 

" Fair freedom, bursting from the realms of day, 

Poured forth, indignant, her prophetic lay. 

Oppressors listened to her with dismay ; 

The inspiring notes, thro' air quick winged their way. 

And sounding to old ocean's utmost shore, 

Bade freedom's sons arise, and slavery be no more." 

The event fills the mind with scenes, patriotic, grand, and sublime. 
Their heroic valor achieved our independence, and the result was our glo- 
rious Union; the proud fabric of human wisdom, unrivalled and unequalled. 

To perpetuate that Union, where liberty, virtue, genius, and science 
dwell, "the asylum of all men," the ark of feafety to every wanderer, 
amidst the tumultuous elements of this world's politics— the ardent exer- 
tions and untiring devotion of our guest, and those associated with him in 
'^he contest, have been given, and with patriotism unsurpassed. By their 



15 

exertions, the glory of the nation remains undivided. The chivalry of the 
Navy and the gallantry of the Army are still national. They are untar- 
nished, and still shine in undimmed splendor in the American firmament. 
Not one star has been stricken from our national llag, nor has our proud 
bird, the emblem of our nation's glory, lost one feather from his beautiful 
plumage. 

Sir, of all the men \vho have earned for themselves an immortal fame 
in the bitter strife, ^vhich we have vvith such deep distress witnessed in the 
attempt to overthrow our Government, none have distinguished themselves 
more than the honorable H. S. Foote, of Mississippi. [Great applause.] 
The fanaticism of the North, had, by its unfeeling policy, produced a flame 
in the South which required the keenest sagacity of a statesman to arrest. 
A flame which, if not arrested, and that speedily, would necessarily con- 
sume all devotion to the Union, fn such a crisis, when so much feeling 
was involved, in consequence of the mad attacks which were constantly 
being made upon the domestic institutions of the South, the tendency of 
which was to drench their fields with blood, to desolate their homes, and 
desecrate their household gods, the question arose, how was such a crisis 
to be met? Men of the purest virtue and well-tried patriotism, called for a 
Southern Convention, to consider the question of dissolution. 

The mind shudders at a crisis, so awful, as to drive honest men to the 
contemplation of an extreme, overwhelming to all the glory of the past and 
the grandeur of the future. In such a crisis, though opposed by some of 
his best and warmest friends, though denounced at home as opposing the 
interest and wishes and happiness of his constituents, Mr. Foote, looking 
to the Union as our best ark of safety, and relying upon the strength of the 
Government as the best possible security to arrest the suicidal arm of the 
abolitionist, and of all and any disloyalist who resists the guarantees of the 
Constitution, came to the rescue with his brilliant talents and indomitable 
courage. Well may he exclaim, 

Exegi monumentum jere perennius. 

In conclusion, I offer the following sentiment: 

Hon. H. S. Foote : A man made for the times, who, rising above the storms of passion' 
devoted himself, soul and body, his commanding eloquence and undaunted spirit, to the 
perpetuationof our happy Union, entire and undivided. [Drank standing and with en- 
ihusiastic applause.] 



16 

The following toast was proposed by G. C. MORGAN, esq,, of St. Mary's 
county : 

The judiciary of Maryland — whatever difference of opinion may be entertained as to its 
organization, the value of its administration is appreciated, and its purity is without stain 
or reproach. [Great applause.] 

Judge CHAMBERS said, in replying to the above sentiment, that to be 
called upon, in this presence, at this hour, after what we have heard, was 
of all things the least expected by him, certainly the least desired. 

What had been said was surely enough to fill the measure of one day's 
glory. He would, however, ask attention, while he noticed one remark 
which had fallen from our distinguished guest. It was that "his mission 
had been to sustain the Constitution and the Union." 

Judge C. believed, as firmly as he believed any fact in history, that 
such was the case. The same superintending Providence that had guarded 
and guided the patriots of the Revolution, that had controlled and directed 
our destinies, and made us a great nation, that same invisible but omnis- 
cient Being that had raised up a Washington to lead our armies and to 
establish the Union, had also raised up a Webster to defend and sustain 
it. Yes, sir, that was and is his "mission." And most faithfully has he 
so far fulfilled his vocation. Ages to come will testify to this truth. It 
had been the prominent work of his whole public, useful life. Sir, said 
Judge C, it was long since, my delight to hear this noble specimen of an 
American Senator, utter, to an admiring world, profound lessons of consti- 
tutional law, and patriotic sentiments of deep devotion to the Union, Never 
has a crisis occurred, when, amid the warring elements of the political 
storm, his voice has not been heard ; and where Webster stood, there was 
the rallying point for the friends of the Union and the Constitution. 

He has told us that Washington, when in this city he surrendered his 
sword, and said he had finished the work assigned him, was not aware that 
the duty assigned him extended to the latest time. 

Sir, he is perhaps the only man who does not perceive that the same 
remark applies with equal force to himself. His " mission" is to posteri- 
ties yet to people the wide surface of this American world ; yes, sir, 
to all people and nations of the earth. The lessons of patriotism and po- 
litical wisdom, so eloquently and fervently taught in his speeches, his 
writings, and his life, will be text books for all who are to succeed us. 

Sir, that Providence, whose high behests he has obeyed, will cause his 
memory to be embalmed for all time in the hearts of his countrymen. 
Generations, yet unborn, will rise up and pay the tribute of thankful praise 
to the memory of him, to whose efforts they are so largely indebted for the 
unparalleled extent of their civil, political, and religious blessings. 



ir 

And now, Mr. President, a word or two as to matters nearei* our 
own time and condition. I have long been a listener to discussions about 
the Constitution. For the last four or five months we have all heard, in 
constant association with another idea, that of "Reform," ''Constitu- 
tional Reform." 

Now, sir, I am quite aware of the place where I stand, of the presence 

in which I speak, of the multitude and variety of opinions here entertained 

about this said matter of " Constitutional Reform." It is, indeed, a very 

narrow plank on which I must walk, for no body in this pleasant circle of 

harmonious friends must be offended or disturbed. Yet, sir, I will venture, 

will hazard a suggestion, will just intimate one particular, in which, 

it may be, we may all unite, in despite of our various notions on many 

others. I offer it in the shape of the following sentiment: 

" Reform — the most thorough " Constitutional Reform" — to every man, who does not 
himself love, and teach his children and his children's children to love, the Union, as the 
first duty of an American. 

The following toast was proposed by J. W. CRISFIELD, esq. : 

" The Chancellor of Maryland : the enlightened jurist and statesman; he has honored 
his State by his devotion to her service." 

Chancellor JOHNSON responded to the toast, substantially in the fol- 
lowing terms : 

It is certainly very gratifying to me, Mr. President, that upon an occa- 
sion like the present, any poor service which I may have rendered the 
State, in any capacity, should be deemed worthy of remembrance. 

We have assembled this evening to do honor to one of the most dis- 
tinguished statesmen of the country, and to be permitted to be here, and 
to unite in this tribute of gratitude for his patriotic devotion to her welfare, 
is of itself a privilege, of which any citizen may well be proud. 

Upon many former occasions the eminent man, whose eloquent voice we 
have just listened to with delight, had poured out the abundant treasures 
of his great intellect, in expounding the Constitution of his country, and 
vindicating the cause of human liberty. In no age, nor in any country, 
had more eloquent or powerful appeals in behalf of free institutions been 
made, than had fallen from his lips; but upon all such occasions, prior to 
the part he took in the discussion of the questions, which, during the first 
session of the recent Congress, so violently convulsed the country, he was 
cheered on and sustained by the known approbation of those whose imme- 
diate representative he was. He could not but have anticipated their en- 
tire approval of his sentiments; and the beautiful thoughts, and eloquent 
language in which they were clothed, he well knew, would be treasured 

in their hearts. 
2 



18 

When, however, he rose in the Senate, on the 7th of March, 1850, to 
express his views upon the questions to which I have referred, he occupied 
a position totally unlike any in which theretofore he had been placed. 

The country had waited with anxiety, but without distrust, to hear the 
voice of the foremost statesman of the North. The questions under con- 
sideration had engaged the exclusive attention of the Senate for months; 
they had been debated with a vehemence and intensity of feeling, without 
parallel in our previous history; and the elements of discord, from one ex- 
tremity of the Union to the other, seemed to have usurped and beaten 
down the calm counsels of judgment and reason. 

No approach seemed then to have been made towards the adjustment 
of the controversy, and the hearts of the lovers of peace and tranquility 
were filled with dismay. 

It was under these untoward circumstances that the Senator from 
Massachusetts rose to address the Senate and the country, and appealed 
to them in tones of earnest entreaty to "hear him for his cause." 

Now had arrived the time, if it had never come before, to try if he was 
"current coin indeed." It was known, none knew better than he, that 
in pleading the cause of the Union and the Constitution, he would expose 
himself to the obloquy of a portion of his contituents; and that the senti- 
ments he was about to express upon some of the great questions of the 
day, would place him in opposition to the current of public opinion in his 
State. 

But these considerations were, as all, who well knew Mr. Webster, 
knew they would be, totally ineffectual to deter him from throwing the 
weio-ht of his great name, and the influence of his powerful intellect, in 
the scale of peace upon that side, upon the success of which depended the 
tranquility of the country, if not the preservation of the Union itself. And, 
when, dashing from him every consideration connected with local interests 
or sectional prejudices, he plead for peace, harmony, and union; and in 
tones of thrilling eloquence, and with arguments of controlling power, he 
prostrated and overwhelmed the fanatics on the one hand, and the im- 
practicables on the other, he seemed to realize the poet's dream, and to 
exhibit that rare creation : 

"Where every god did seem to set his seal, to give tlie world assurance of a man." 

But, Mr. President, while remembering with grateful hearts the services 
of our distinguished guest, it does not become us to overlook, or to be si- 
lent, with regard to the patriotic statesmen who joined 'their efforts to 
his, in rescuing their country from the danger then impending over it; and 
in this connexion permit me to say, and I say it witli a sincerity fully 
commensurate with my sense of the merits of the distinguished gentleman. 



19 

whose name I am about to mention, that I consider every friend of free- 
dom, and free institutions of government, throughout the world, deeply- 
indebted to General Cass for the part he took upon the trying occasion to 
which we have been referring. 

He, too, came from a section of the country in which opinions adverse 
to a just and amicable settlement of the disturbing questions prevailed to 
a considerable extent. Indeed, at one time, he stood fettered by legisla- 
tive instructions to pursue a course in opposition to his own patriotic in- 
stincts. But, shaking himself free from these, he nobly proclaimed, that 
rather than give a vote wliich his conscience condemned, he would at the 
proper time resign the high trust which his State had conferred upon him, 
and retire to private life. For this patriotic resolution, which unquestion- 
ably would have been fulfilled, and for the powerful and effectual aid which 
he rendered to the great cause, of restoring the peace of the country, and 
the preservation of the Republic, he has won for himself, and will receive, 
its undying gratitude. 

I am also quite sure, Mr. President, that the name of General Foote 
is heard by this company with emotions of unqualified pleasure. 
None among the friends of the series of measures, which we may well 
hope have or will restore quiet to a distracted people, were more earnest, 
more efficient, or more resolute than he. Like the eminent men whose 
names have been mentioned, he likewise exposed himself to dangers at 
home, the result of local prejudices, from which, natures less determined 
and self-sacrificing than his, might have shrunk with dismay. 

But, with a courage which no perils could damp, an impetuous ardor 
and love of country, in comparison with which all considerations of mere 
personal advantage were but as dust in the balance, he was, at every 
hazard, found among the foremost of those who were contending for the 
welfare of the whole nation. Eloquent and chivalric by nature, of warm 
temperament and resistless energy, he has already placed himself high in 
the public regard, and associated his name with the leading men of the 
Republic. 

There is another name, Mr. President, which will recur to all, when 
the citizens of this country meet to do honor to its great benefactors, the 
name of Henry Clw. It rings in the ear like the spirit-stirring tones of 
the trumpet, and never will be forgotten until every feeling of gratitude, 
and all appreciation of high desert, is extirpated from the human breast. 

When, during his day, did the bugle sound the charge, or the sentinel 
proclaim the alarm, that Henry Clay was not ready to lead the charge, 
or defend the beleaguered battlements of the Republic against all as- 
sailants ? 



20 

Thirty years before, when this same question of African slavery spread 
itself in darkening shadows over our political firmament, the great States- 
man of Kentucky beat back the raging billows of discord, and dispersed 
the threatening cloud; and now again, when age has blanched his hair and 
somewhat bent his majestic form, and quenched his fiery glance, we find 
him once more in the Senate, in the front rank, if not the foremost, of 
the defenders of the nation against the dangers which this institution, so 
vital to the South, never fails to create when brought under discussion. 
It may, Mr. President, with truth be said, that whenever danger has 
menaced his country, during the long period of Mr. Clay's life, he has 
been looked to as one of her chief protectors; and I am sure I speak the 
sentiment of the whole people, when I express the earnest hope that he 
may be long spared to enjoy their gratitude and contribute to their welfare. 
Mr. President, I ask permission, before I take my seat, to introduce 
another name to this company, I refer to the honorable Mr. Dickinson, 
late Senator from New York, as a gentleman eminently worthy to be re- 
membered upon occasions like the present. In the .'ate great crisis 
through which the country has passed, he displayed abilities, firmness, 
and patriotism; and Whig though I am, and he has always been a promi- 
nent member of the other great political party, if I had held a seat in the 
Legislature of New York when a Senator was recently elected, and there 
had been the slightest ground for suspecting that the Whig candidate for 
that high post was not perfectly orthodox upon the questions upon which, 
in my judgment, the integrity of the Constitution and the safety of the 
Union depend, as I live and breathe, I would have voted for Mr. Dickin- 
son. He had been tried, thoroughly tested, and found to be composed of 
sterling metal, without dross or impurity; and I should have been proud 
to have shown my sense of his high merits, by trampling party considera- 
tions beneath my feet, and voting for him, when those considerations con- 
flicted in the slightest degree with others, before which they dwindle into 

insignificance. 

The "higher law" doctrine found no approval with him. That doctrine, 
by which a man, living under an organized government, enjoying the 
benefit of its laws, and protected by its authority, may set up a standard 
in his own breast, by which the validity of other laws, not quite to his 
taste, may be tried. 

Mr. President, years may pass, and 1 sincerely hope many may pass, 
before the country will be called upon to undergo another ordeal so severe 
as that through which we have recently gone. But, though the trial was 
a hard one, and the bonds of the Union were fearfully strained, they held 
us together; and may we not trust that; if a strand was broken or over- 



21 

strained, it will be replaced with a new one; and that additional cords 
will be found which neither rust or violence will break? 

If, however, this should not be so; if this glorious Union is destined to 
be dissolved; if fate has so decreed, and the government and temple built 
by Washington and his compeers, and dedicated to human liberty, shall 
fall; if our venerable Constitution, and the Union, of which it is the life's 
blood, though defended by Webster, and the great patriots and statesmen 
of the land, must perish at last, and no human agency is capable of avert- 
ing the doom, still his and their names will be remembered, and repeated 
as examples worthy to be imitated by those who may, in future times, 
contend for the rights of man. Mr. President, I offer this sentiment: 

"Our distinguished guest.— When his calumniators shall have been forgotten, he 
will be remembered as the great constitutional lawyer of iiis day; unsurpassed in his ad- 
vocacy of Republican Institutions, and of the union of these States." 

Mr. JENIFER said he would have made a few remarks had not the 
learned Chancellor of Maryland "stolen his thunder;" but, as he despaired 
of a reclamation by a bill in equity, he cordially approved the elegant 
eulogy passed upon the distinguished son of New York, whose efforts in 
support of the Union, when shaken to its centre, are found on the side of 
his country. Mr. J. said he would offer the following sentiment: 

Daniel S. Dickinson — a statesman of the old Roman school — a willing sacrifice for his 
country's good. 

Mr. Webster being about to retire, the Hon. WM. COST JOHNSON 
rose, and addressed the company as follows: 

Mr. President: I shall not tax you, nor this distinguished assemblage, 
but for a moment; and in that moment, to offer a sentiment of my own 
heart, which sentiment, I am sure, abides in every bosom around 
me, to one whose life, from youth, has been dedicated to teaching tlie 
purest morals and the most exalted patriotism, whose highest ambition 
has been to see this glorious nation advance in prosperity and honorable 
renown; and whose wonderful efforts of light and life will pass to other 
ages, and be read, side by side, with Cicero and Tacitus. I propose the 
health, the prosperity, the long life of Daniel Web.ster. 

The company drank this toast with many cheers. Mr. Webster re- 
sponded in a most happy manner to the remarks of Mr. Johnson, and re- 
tired from the company. 






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